Who
is behind the Middle Eastern mayhem?
S P
SETH
Britain’s flamboyant and controversial foreign secretary, Boris
Johnson, landed himself into trouble recently by blaming Saudi Arabia and Iran
for the continuing mayhem in the Middle East through their proxy wars in the
region. For this he earned the rebuke of his prime minister, Theresa May, who
pointedly disowned her foreign minister’s remarks by saying that this was not
the British government’s position. But, for once, Johnson was broadly correct
about his diagnosis of the malady that has overtaken the region.
But truth, as they say, is a casualty of war, which is equally true
of what is happening in the Middle East. The row over Johnson’s outspoken
remarks after footage was published of his comments to the Mediterranean
Dialogue in Rome where he lumped Saudi Arabia, a key British ally, and Iran by
raising concerns about “puppeteering” in the region by these two countries
fighting “proxy wars”. To quote Johnson, “There are politicians who are
twisting and abusing religion and different strains of the same religion to
further their own political objectives.” Elaborating, he said, “That’s why
you’ve got the Saudis, Iran, everybody, moving in and puppeteering and playing
proxy wars.”
The problem, though, is that like regional heavyweights, Saudi
Arabia and Iran, outside players like Britain, the United States and others are
playing their own proxy games to maintain and perpetuate their own strategic,
economic and political interests. For instance, Saudi Arabia is a lucrative
market for British arms exports and Johnson’s comments threaten an important
segment of British economic interests, apart from putting the entire
relationship with Saudi Arabia and Gulf kingdoms in jeopardy. It is not
surprising, therefore, that Mrs May’s spokesman said that, “The foreign
secretary… will have the opportunity [during his Saudi visit] to set out the
government’s position ”, which apparently would mean contradicting, if not
apologizing, for his remarks.
Johnson is right that regional powers like Saudi Arabia and, to a
lesser extent, Iran are playing proxy wars. Indeed, by promoting Wahhabi
orthodoxy through funneling money and setting up madrasas all over the world,
Saudi Arabia has become the fountainhead of fundamentalist Islam, which is the
main source of different brands of jihadi/terrorist networks. And outside
powers, like the US, Britain and their western allies, for their own strategic,
economic, political and power imperatives, have indulged Saudi Arabia and other
Gulf countries by turning a blind eye to their political games and indeed
encouraging them with intelligence sharing and weapons supplies to continue on
their course. If it were any country other than Saudi Arabia, with 15 of its
citizens involved in 9/11 terrorist attacks, the US would have chased it to the
end of the world. But Saudi Arabia still continues to be the United States’
major strategic partner in the Middle East.
In this sense, the United States and its allies must bear a large
share of the blame for the way the Middle East has turned into a quagmire for
all concerned, with innocent civilians at the receiving end of mass casualties
and large scale displacement. In his book, The Terror Years: From al-Qaeda to
the Islamic State, Lawrence Wright, pulls no punches when he writes, “America’s
involvement in the Middle East since 9/11 has been a long series of failures.
Our own actions have been responsible for much of the unfolding catastrophe.
The 2003 invasion of Iraq by US and coalition partners stands as one of the
greatest blunders in American history.”
And that is from where things started to go wrong and nothing seemed
to work. The subsequent hopeful scenario of the Arab Spring that might have
created a new and constructive outlet failed miserably, only highlighting and
reinforcing the lack or absence of any new path. It was back to the future with
the return of a new version of Hosni Mubarak dictatorship, this time with Abdel
Fattah el-Sisi as the new Egyptian dictator heartily supported financially and
politically by the Saudi monarchy. At another level, the Arab Spring-inspired
rebellion in Syria led to unparalleled brutality by the Bashar al-Assad regime,
the rebels, and jihadis of all sorts. And this is where it becomes murkier with
Saudi Arabia, Qatar and other Gulf regimes arming and financing rebels/jihadis
of their choice with the US chipping in with their own “vetted” rebel groups,
though at times it was not clear who was who as their ideological and political
boundaries were often blurred.
Faced with such multiplicity of forces, the Bashar al-Assad regime
seemed like loosing control, with some major population centres like Aleppo,
Idlib and so on falling to the rebels. It was at this point that concerted
rescue operations to save the Assad regime were mounted by Iran and Hezbollah,
later joined by Russia in September 2015. And now, the Assad regime is on top
over vast swathes of devastated landscape, with nearly half of its population
displaced and close to half-million dead.
And in the midst of it all was the emergence of the monstrous IS
that is regarded by the US and its allies as, probably, the biggest threat and
needing a concerted effort to roll it back and hopefully destroy it. And that
is where most energy is concentrated with a coalition of forces, supported by
US aerial operations, to evict it from Mosul. But despite large Iraqi forces,
Iran-sponsored militias, and Kurdish peshmerga, backed by heavy US aerial
bombardment, it is proving to be a slow process. Hence, the Middle Eastern
cauldron continues its destructive course, with not much hope in the
foreseeable future.
Now returning to Lawrence Wright’s book referred to earlier, which
has been reviewed well by Ahmed Rashid, he points out how the book omits an
important aspect of the jihadist/terrorist issue in South Asia where, in some
ways, it all started from. To quote Rashid, “Today al-Qaeda in South Asia is
largely made up of Pakistani extremists who protect Zawahiri [Osama bin Laden’s
successor] as he hides out on the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. During the past
two years the Pakistani army has driven out many terrorist groups who have
targeted local populations, but it has not attempted to suppress the Punjabi
groups fighting India or the Afghan leadership of the Taliban.”
Rashid adds, “Pakistan’s lame explanation for continuing to tolerate
such terrorist groups is that they defend Pakistan against Indian aggression
and excessive Indian influence in Afghanistan.”
Rashid would have liked Wright to discuss this “kind of evasive policy”
to create a clearer picture. In other words, terrorism is a multifaceted
problem, with no clear solution in the foreseeable future.
Note: This article first appeared in the Daily Times.
Contact. sushilpseth@yahoo.com.au